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Clerics Taking Over Iranian Schools With Hardliner Support

Maryam Sinaiee
Maryam Sinaiee

Iran International

Jan 25, 2024, 15:22 GMT+0Updated: 11:09 GMT+0
Iranian clerics teaching to schoolboys
Iranian clerics teaching to schoolboys

Recruitment of clerics as teachers and new legislation allowing mosques to run private schools has fueled concerns about the future of Iran's educational system.

In a statement published on its Telegram channel on January 18, the Coordination Council of Iranian Teachers’ Unions strongly criticized the employment of clerics as teachers by the education ministry.

The statement alleged that this meant “purging schools” from expert teaching staff and replacing them with clerics and seminary students who have no expertise in child education, or a standard education. The teachers’ union called the decision a “reactionary move” that resurrects the concept of schools run by the clergy (maktab), which were abolished nearly a hundred years ago. The ministry has denied a nationwide purge is underway. 

However, hardliners controlling the parliament and the executive branch have been also purging university faculties and openly speak about “purification.”

The powerful Shiite clergy in Iran lost its monopoly on education and the justice system with the establishment of modern courts and schools by the founder of the Pahlavi Dynasty, Reza Shah, in the 1920s who fundamentally curbed their powers. 

The council also warned Iranian families about the consequences of “the systematic presence of clergy in schools and its dangers to children.”

Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi among a group of schoolgirls in Tehran (September 2022)
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Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi among a group of schoolgirls in Tehran (September 2022)

The ministry has expelled scores of teachers and forced many others to retire early for supporting last year’s protests, instead hiring 3,500 clerics and seminarians as teachers to fill some of the tens of thousands of new positions it has created to overcome the shortage of teaching staff.

Ali Farhadi, the ministry’s spokesman, has claimed that the ministry only became aware of the recruitment after the fact. “We, too, found out that these individuals had been accepted [for the positions] after the examinations [of candidates for teaching positions] were held,” he claimed. However, regime-controlled media have been talking about the subject for months, saying that clerics should become schoolteachers.

The clergy have been running unofficial schools for over a decade but last week the establishment of “mosque-centered schools” was given official status when lawmakers hastily approved a proposal to oblige the ministry of education to issue licenses to persons and legal entities to establish private schools attached to mosques if building requirements were met.

In a report entitled “Autonomous Schools” Monday, the reformist Ham-Mihan newspaper said there are around 150 so-called “mosque-centered” schools with around 7,000 students now that operate unofficially.

An administrator of a “mosque-centered” school for girls told Ham-Mihan that their curriculum included homemaking, sewing, cooking and traditional medicine as well as computers and mobile photography to their students. They also selected and screened their own teachers, he said, but could not issue any kind of certificates under the current circumstances.

Former Minister of Education Mohsen Haji Mirzaei told Ham-Mihan that mosque-centered schools are "a rebellion against the official educational system" and warned that they could “delegitimize” the formal education system and foster extremist beliefs.

Speaking to the conservative Farhikhtegan newspaper, Rezvan Hakimzadeh, former Deputy Minister of Education, also expressed concern about the curriculum of these schools. “Who will supervise how the curriculum is replaced if the official one is to be disregarded? Who will approve of its suitability?” he asked.

Other critics such as another former education minister, Ali-Asghar Fani, have warned that the education ministry may fail to supervise these schools due to the political influence of the imams of the mosques to which they are attached.

Lawmakers supporting the legislation such as Ahmad-Hossein Fallahi, spokesman of the Education, Research and Technology committee, argue that schools attached to mosques can answer the dire need for more educational facilities, but claim the education ministry will have control over the curriculum of these schools.

An organization calling itself ‘Mosque-Centered Schools Headquarters’, says on its website that those behind the drive aim to “fulfil the heavy task of training and preparing an efficient revolutionary workforce” to meet the need for “human resources worthy of the Islamic Revolution.”

The organization’s secretary, Hossein-Ali Deylam, told Ham-Mihan that establishment of schools attached to mosques started in the religious city of Mashhad twelve years ago. He claimed that the number of these schools has grown since then due to the great demand from families who want their children to study in these schools, most of which are at the primary level.

“From the start, these schools have not been under the supervision of education ministry … Each school determines its tuition fees based on its activities and specifications,” he said without elaboration on their curriculum.

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Jan 25, 2024, 11:31 GMT+0
•
Umud Shokri

Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi’s visit to Turkey this week came against the backdrop of the Gaza war, ongoing regional crisis and conflicts in bilateral relations.

The visit on Wednesday and the issues discussed reflected the intricate dynamics between Iran and Turkey. The visit resulted in ten agreements, emphasizing collaboration in energy, free trade, and transportation. This highlights the significance of political collaboration and dispute resolution in the Iran-Turkey relationship, striking a delicate balance between cooperation and addressing regional complexities amidst geopolitical challenges.

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Challenges

Geopolitical competition, conflicting regional goals, and security concerns drive friction between Iran and Turkey. Despite joint efforts to combat terrorism, drug trafficking, and enhance regional security, political and ideological disagreements persist, heightened by the evolving political landscape in the Middle East. Historically, both nations have sought to exploit the shifting regional balance, intensifying rivalry, particularly in Syria and Iraq. Collaborative efforts against the PKK and PJAK and shared economic and security interests are overshadowed by significant differences. 

While the Islamic Republic emphasizes the economic aspects of the relationship to improve morale at home, the significance of Raisi's visit to Ankara lies in discussions on regional security, stability, and shared concerns regarding terrorist groups and Kurdish factions. Raisi and Erdogan likely addressed Ankara's concerns about Kurdish groups viewed as "terrorists" in Turkey, Iran,Iraq, and Syria during their meeting. The bilateral talks also touched upon the impasse in Gaza, where Israel continues its operations against Hamas, a client of Iran and a friend of Turkey.

Israeli soldiers operate in the Gaza Strip amid the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian Islamist group Hamas,  January 25, 2024
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Israeli soldiers operate in the Gaza Strip amid the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian Islamist group Hamas, January 25, 2024

Gaza War

The Israel factor introduces complexity to the Turkey-Iran relationship, marked by historical ties encompassing trade, tourism, and some intelligence and military collaboration. Geopolitical shifts, particularly Turkey's stance on Syria to the detriment of Iran’s ally Bashar al-Assad, strain the ties.

The recent Gaza conflict has influenced the dynamics between Iran and Turkey, resulting in a mix of collaboration and tensions. The relationship's intricacies involve a blend of collaboration and rivalry, influenced by geopolitical, economic, and security factors. Khamenei's call to "cut vital lifelines" to Israel contrasts with Turkey's ongoing economic ties, highlighting nuanced dynamics. Turkey's pursuit of economic relations with Israel may diverge from Iran's objectives, as Tehran leverages the Gaza war to enhance its regional influence through proxy groups amid tensions.

Economic Cooperation

A wide range of circumstances have shaped Iran and Turkey's economic relations. Both countries have continued their business relations, particularly in the oil industry, despite Iran's economic difficulties and sanctions. The two sides have tried to find solution, such as "gas for commodities" and Iran’s natural gas exports. President Ebrahim Raisi's declared goal of increasing bilateral commerce to $30 billion annually is indicative of ambitious economic aspirations.

However, trade between Iran and Turkey reached a modest $4.4 billion in the first 10 months of 2023, a 16 percent decline from the same period the year before. Mehdi Safari, the Deputy for Economic Diplomacy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, mentioned that President's visit to Turkey would focus on strengthening energy cooperation, including the extension of the gas contract. Collaborative efforts in investing in Iran's gas resources and establishing an electricity connection from Khoy to Van were indeed discussed, but to what extent Raisi’s wish list would materialize is somewhat questionable. The present natural gas agreement between Iran and Turkey is scheduled to expire in 2026. This emphasizes the difficulties and unknowns involved in maintaining the two countries' economic partnership.

The anticipation is that Iran-Turkey relations will encompass both collaboration and rivalry, characterized by mutual mistrust alongside a maintained level of cooperation. Although a significant shift in their relationship might not be on the horizon, cooperation is expected to persist in counterterrorism, fighting drug trafficking, and promoting regional stability. Both nations have a track record of finding common ground amid occasional conflicts, navigating the complexities of their intricate relationship. The delicate balance between cooperation and rivalry is influenced by geopolitical realities and their respective objectives in Iran-Turkey relations.

President Raisi's visit to Turkey may not immediately resolve ongoing issues between the two countries. Beyond official statements, a comprehensive approach is necessary to examine conflicts and cooperation, particularly in areas like theSyrian crisis, and Kurdish issues. It's noteworthy that Iran's potential inability to supply more natural gas to Turkey due to anatural gas shortage adds another layer of complexity to the situation.