Iranian official urges resumption of US consular services in Tehran

In his final address to the Parliament, before his cabinet was put to vote, Pezeshkian stressed that Khamenei had not only approved every proposed minister but had also personally urged at least one reluctant candidate to join.

He insisted that every single minister had been vetted by the Intelligence Ministry and the Intelligence Organization of the Revolutionary Guards and could get a vote of confidence for two of his most controversial ministers, the 'reformist' Mohammad-Reza Zafarghandi and Ahmad Meydari, without much trouble. The final vote count was a serious blow to the ultra-hardliners who had supported Saeed Jalili in the elections.

Many interpret Pezeshkian’s remarks as a deliberate surrender of presidential authority, reducing himself to a mere executor of Khamenei’s policies and orders. Critics have labeled him the "first minister" for Khamenei, arguing that he has undermined the constitutional powers granted to the presidency.

Hamid Aboutalebi, a former diplomat and adviser to Hassan Rouhani in a tweet described Pezeshkian’s situation as winning the “battle” with the Parliament and losing the “war” to uphold “constitutionalism” and the “republic”.

However, some pundits and supporters believe that Pezeshkian’s candid admission of “coordinating” everything with Khamenei might be part of a larger strategy. They argue that by openly involving the Supreme Leader, Pezeshkian ensures that Khamenei will share the burden of criticism if the ministers fail to address the country’s critical situation.

An observer in Tehran also told Iran International, “He outmaneuvered the ultra-hardliners by using their own tactics against them. Hardliners have long accused their political opponents of defying Khamenei’s wishes to discredit them. With his shrewd speech, Pezeshkian turned the tables, putting Paydari Party lawmakers and their allies in the very position they’ve often used to attack others.”

“Ultra-hardliner’s opposition to his ‘national accord government’ and ministers who come from various political factions, with Khamenei’s full blessing as he claimed, would only mean defying or undermining Khamenei,” he added.

Netizens have also widely taken to X and other social media platforms to comment in favor or against Pezeshkian’s unprecedented public disclosure of the extent of Khamenei’s role in administrative affairs.

“It’s not fair that the Leader always interferes in the selection of ministers and the head of the government is blamed for their possible failures,” one of the tweets in support of Pezeshkian’s move read. “Pezeshkian has put pressure on parallel [state] institutions with this move to cooperate with the administration rather than pushing cogs in the government’s wheel as they did to Rouhani’s government,” the X user added.

Another netizen surmised that Pezeshkian’s move could also help prevent military bodies from “throwing spanners in his works”. “And everyone thinks he is saying these things naively,” the netizen remarked.

Some have also described Pezeshkian’s seemingly impromptu remarks as “clever”. “We think that Pezeshkian is an idiot because of the way he behaves. But this guy knows how to kill without injuring,” another tweet argued.

Others have commented that Khamenei’s tacit support which Pezeshkian tried to bring to light has been imposed on him by “special and unique circumstances of the country” including the perceived danger to his authority from ultra-hardliners who declare obedience to him but have secret plans for his succession.

"I will never hesitate to take whatever action is necessary to defend our forces and our interests against Iran and Iran-backed terrorists," Harris declared, in the toughest statement yet since she emerged as a replacement to President Joe Biden for November.

Formally accepting her party’s nomination Thursday night, Harris said, "In the enduring struggle between democracy and tyranny, I know where I stand and I know where the United States belongs," Harris said, accusing Trump of bowing down to dictators.

Government-controlled media in Tehran dubbed Harris's speech "anti-Iran," slightly twisting her words, claiming that the Democratic candidate threatened the Islamic Republic.

However, many foreign policy observers have been warning on social media that if she wins in November, the Harris administration will continue Biden’s relatively “soft” approach toward the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Former President Donald Trump was known for his hardline stance against Tehran, implementing crippling oil export and other sanctions that remain in effect today. However, under President Biden, enforcement of these sanctions has softened, allowing Tehran to significantly boost its oil exports and revenues.

One Iranian opposition figure in the United States tweeted after Harris’s speech, “The Harris-Biden administration had over three and a half years to take a tough stance against the Islamic regime in Iran. Instead, by abandoning Donald Trump's maximum pressure policy and failing to enforce sanctions,” they allowed Tehran to sell more oil. He added that the White House also released $16 billion in frozen funds for Iran in 2023.

As Harris prepared to deliver her speech at the Democratic convention, five Republican senators sent a letter to President Joe Biden, urging the White House to deny visas to several foreign leaders, including Iran’s new president, Masoud Pezeshkian, ahead of the UN General Assembly in New York this September.

The letter signed by Senators Marco Rubio, Joni Ernst, Rick Scott, Markwayne Mullin and Tom Cotton, called Pezeshkain and Cuban dictator Miguel Díaz-Canel, and “the narcodictator of Venezuela,” Nicolas Maduro Cuban dictator, V “raises serious security issues for the United States and our allies.”

The letter said, “Iran is directly responsible for the horrific October 7th attack on Israel and the recent rocket strikes that killed a dozen innocent Israelis, including children, at a soccer field in the Golan Heights.”

The senators maintained that although the United Nations General Assembly is a diplomatic forum, the US should take a stand against foreign leaders “who threaten our values.”

“President Ronald Reagan denied a visa to Yasser Arafat in 1988 due to his support for state-sponsored terrorism, and President Trump similarly denied a visa to Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif. In this spirit, we urge you to deny entry visas to dictators Pezeshkian, Díaz-Canel, Maduro and any other leaders whose presence at the UN General Assembly would undermine our national security,” the Republicans lawmakers stated.

The selection was made by an independent jury of experts appointed by German Films, who said they reviewed 13 films before making their decision.

“It is an outstanding work by one of the great directors of world cinema and someone who has found refuge in Germany from state despotism in Iran. We are very happy to know that Rasoulof is safe in our country. And we are delighted that he will be representing Germany at the Oscars in 2025," German Films said in their statement.

This marks the first time an Iranian film has been put forward by Germany for the Oscars.

The film delves into the protest movements in Iran following the death of Mahsa Amini in 2022. Amini's death in custody, allegedly for not adhering to hijab, ignited widespread protests across Iran.

The exiled dissident filmmaker fled Iran by foot through rugged mountainous terrain after receiving an eight-year prison sentence, a flogging, a fine, and property confiscation for “signing statements and making films and documentaries,” which the Iranian authorities called “collusion to commit a crime against the country's security.”

Earlier this year, the exiled director’s film won a special jury prize at Cannes.

Alongside dissident actress Setareh Maleki, who stars in the film, Rasoulof attended the film’s premiere at the Cannes Film Festival shortly after fleeing Iran.

While Germany hails Rasoulof’s work as “outstanding,” Iran's Culture Minister Mohammad Mehdi Esmaeili had condemned the production and distribution of his film, labeling it "illegal."

As the film garners global attention, it not only shines a light on the struggles of the Iranian people but also underscores the importance of cinematic expression as a tool for resistance.

In November 2019, nationwide protests erupted in Iran after the government unexpectedly tripled fuel prices overnight, sparking widespread outrage across the country. What began as an economic protest quickly escalated into an anti-government movement, with demonstrators in 29 provinces and hundreds of cities voicing their frustration with the Islamic regime.

The government responded by deploying security forces who used live ammunition to suppress the crowds. The crackdown resulted in the deaths of at least 1,500 people, according to Reuters, and a nationwide internet blackout to prevent the world from seeing the full extent of the killings.

In addition, at least 6,000 deaths with "unknown causes" were recorded in November 2019.

These 89 individuals, arrested during the nationwide protests were initially released on bail. Now, years later, they have been dragged back into the judicial system and found guilty by the first investigative branch of the Public and Revolutionary Prosecutor's Office in Likak. Their so-called crimes are "Disrupting public order," "destroying public property," and other charges that the Islamic Republic conveniently uses to silence dissent.

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The timing of the sentencing raises questions: why, after five years of silence, has the judiciary suddenly decided to punish the group now, especially amid growing rumors of a potential fuel price hike under President Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration?

It is likely that the government wants to send a message: if you dare to challenge the Islamic Republic, you will be hunted down, no matter how much time has passed. The HRANA news agency has published the identities and details of these individuals, a public shaming apparently intended to instill fear in those who might consider taking to the streets in the future.

In Likak, under the direction of Mehrdad Soltani, the judiciary assembled its case against these 89 citizens. The so-called evidence included police videos, intelligence reports, and confessions extracted under dubious circumstances—confessions that are more likely the result of torture than voluntary admissions of guilt.

As Amnesty International and other human rights organizations have reported, the Islamic Republic's use of force during the protests was unprecedented, with the highest death tolls in marginalized regions such as the impoverished towns in Tehran, Khuzestan, and Kermanshah.

Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic, sealed the fate of these protesters with his infamous speech on November 17, 2019. Labeling the demonstrators as "thugs, counter-revolutionaries, and enemies," Khamenei not only justified but ordered the crackdown that followed. The message was according to many unambiguous: challenge the regime, and you will be crushed.

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Human rights groups and activists have long accused the Islamic Republic’s for using fear as a tool of governance. With the internet blackout and the mass arrests of 2019 still fresh in the collective memory, possibly Tehran is now demonstrating that it has no qualms about revisiting the past to punish those who dared to rise against it.

The US-based Human Rights Activists News Agency or HRANA’s reports suggest that while these people have been convicted, others involved in the same case have been exonerated or had their charges dropped. It is also believed that the selective prosecution serves the Islamic Republic’s broader strategy of creating uncertainty and fear—if you protest, your fate will be decided not by the law, but by the whims of those in power.

Between July 22 and August 21 alone, at least 106 individuals were executed in Iranian prisons, a reminder of the brutal measures the Islamic government has used for four decades despite international criticism, reported the US-based HRANA news agency on Thursday.

“The total number of reported violations indicates a concerning situation and underscores the urgency for the international community and the Iranian government to address these issues,” added HRANA.

The executions have not been limited to those convicted of violent crimes. Many of those hanged were political prisoners, protesters, and individuals from ethnic and religious minority groups, often sentenced in sham trials that lack transparency and due process, the report said.

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Among those executed were Kamran Sheikh, a Sunni Kurdish prisoner, and Reza Rasaei, a protester arrested during the 2022 nationwide uprising.

Adding to the toll, at least 10 new death sentences were handed down, and 10 existing ones were confirmed by the judiciary during this period.

HRANA has highlighted how this culture of state-sanctioned violence only fuels further aggression and resentment, laying the groundwork for a cycle of violence that threatens the very fabric of the nation.

According to reports from human rights organizations, since the beginning of the current Iranian year (March 21) more than 388 people, including 15 women, have been hanged in Iranian prisons.

The surge in executions has not gone unnoticed by the international community. Human rights organizations, including the Oslo-based Iran Human Rights, have raised alarms over the unprecedented pace of executions. They have called for immediate international intervention to halt what they describe as the "killing machine" of the Iranian government.

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On August 12, four international human rights organizations appealed to the United Nations, urging the establishment of an independent investigative mechanism to hold the Islamic Republic accountable for its actions.

Despite these calls for action, the Islamic Republic remains defiant, continuing its executions unabated. Political prisoners like Golrokh Iraee, who remains incarcerated in Evin Prison, have spoken out against the death penalty, urging a united front against the regime's use of capital punishment as a tool of oppression. Iraee’s plea for the abolition of the death penalty echoes the sentiments of many Iranians who see no hope for a better future under the current system.